➳ [Reading] ➶ Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft By Jürgen Habermas ➩ – Transportjobsite.co.uk

Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft pdf Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft , ebook Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft , epub Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft , doc Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft , e-pub Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft , Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft f6075df3f76 This Is J Rgen Habermas S Most Concrete Historical Sociological Book And One Of The Key Contributions To Political Thought In The Postwar Period It Will Be A Revelation To Those Who Have Known Habermas Only Through His Theoretical Writing To Find His Later Interests In Problems Of Legitimation And Communication Foreshadowed In This Lucid Study Of The Origins, Nature, And Evolution Of Public Opinion In Democratic Societies


10 thoughts on “Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft

  1. says:

    The Structural Transformation is the first published book of J rgen Habermas and dates from 1962 The earliest English edition I know of is from 1989 Habermas, for his consideration of economic and social factors in cultural criticism, recalls the Frankfurt School of cultural criticism, although he has a less overt pessimism at least compared to Adorno.The main thesis around this argument is around the social institution known as the public sphere , where individuals can gather to discuss societal problems in a manner without reservation and come to a reasoned and unbiased conclusion For Habermas, the glory years of this institution started in the 18th century with the Enlightenment and final dissolution of feudal or aristocratic control over education, and the rise of social gatherings where such discussions could take place.Through such discussions, public opinion could form, which in Habermas very limited definition, is the time where the public sphere s views on the government could be made manifest through elections Such a discussion is primarily focused on England and France, with the main contrast being made between England, with their rising bourgeois society and loss of absolute monarchical power after the Glorious Revolution, and also with their literary society of newspapers and the comparatively free press France, on the other hand, was still absolutist, and although a public sphere in some sense existed, it was largely confined to the salons of the aristocrats After the French Revolution, the public sphere spread rapidly among the bourgeoisie In Germany, this sort of discussion only began later, after the July revolutions.Habermas discussion is similar to and a possible influence upon the work of Gordon Wood and Bernard Bailyn on the study of pamphlets, newspapers, and discussion halls in late 18th century in America.The decline of this system came with the intermingling of the public and private spheres, the rise of industrialism, the concentration of wealth, and curiously enough, the social welfare system The rise of these concentrated centers of economic power led them to influence the mass media through newspapers and the process of public relations , all factors to methods to influence the public sphere Although I m not so certain on the effects of the welfare system Bismarck I know introduced those reforms in the 1870s, but the United States did not do so until the 1930s, and corporations were well engaged in the process of influencing political power before then In either case, the means of political discussion and arriving at a rational debate have new been contaminated by the mixing of the public and private spheres, and a new feudalization of power and thought is a result, where debate only exists in a vacuum and real power and ideological change exists among a limited few.Now these ideas are not waterproof The public in the 17th century could only be considered a very small part of the entire population, and might largely consist of working men with a few women being the rare exceptions , and that the very poorest segments of society, as well as discriminated ethnicities, would be excluded from public gatherings By contrast, his ideas on how media influence politics and culture and are influenced by economics are a cornerstone of modern media studies I ve heard recent talk about whether the Internet and discussion forums, with their relatively egalitarian access and means of anonymity, could be considered a new means of bringing about the public sphere Habermas ideas are not only empirically and historically grounded, they are compelling They somehow have a solid grounding in the tenets of the Enlightenment They speak that reason, democracy, and progress are all reliant upon unbiased communication This is a extremely compelling idea and one which will continue to inspire further debate.


  2. says:

    Retold in fairy tale language for a class assignmentIn a distant past, there existed a feudal society, and in this society, there was not yet a public sphere In fact, public referred to nobility, and everyone else was common 6 However, with the rise of capitalism and the bourgeois class came the commercial trade in news 15 , and a public sphere began to emerge between the private sphere of life and the government 23 This public sphere was composed of the bourgeoisie, mostly male property owners, who used reason to debate public issues 27 29 In western Europe and America, these citizens engaged in dialogue in coffee shops, newspapers, and letters that is, they debated in largely private spaces that created publics Public opinion began to develop, but this wasn t the public opinion we conceive of today instead, it was formed through public debate, not through polling or other modern mechanisms 66.An aim of the public sphere was to abolish the domination of the state, and constitutional governments were set up to connect the law to public opinion 81 82 A central value of the bourgeois public sphere was inclusiveness that as the bourgeoisie grew, so too would access to the public sphere However, as the public enlarged, public opinion changed from the result of ongoing dialogue to a coercive force 133 This is largely because as the liberal state became a welfare state, it encroached on the private lives of people, or stateized society 142 the public sphere became less politicized 140 In part, this was caused as economic struggles became political struggles, and the state began to protect families and individuals, through education, workers rights laws, and welfare 155 Consumer culture also arose, so that a debating public sphere was replaced by an advertising public sphere public debate became administered and consumed 164 The state began to address its citizens like consumers 195 Public opinion and propaganda began to be used in order to gain good will and justify legislation 177 The public sphere became refeudalized by the state and others looking to gain publicity.The bourgeois public sphere has since passed away, and in its stead we have the modern notions of public opinion and publicity, as well as private individuals not engaged in a public, rational debate Good bye, dear bourgeois public sphere You are missed.


  3. says:

    Habermas bourgeois pubic sphere is a seminal contribution to the Frankfurt School.


  4. says:

    This is the ur text of publics theory I m glad I read it, like I m glad when I eat healthy food.


  5. says:

    Several important influences on Habermas s work are evident Firstly, he borrows many important terms and categories from Kant, Hegel and Marx Many of his ways of thinking about the public sphere are explicitly Kantian, and he develops Hegel s central category of civil society into the basis from which public opinion emerges Of these, Kant is perhaps the greatest influence, simply because for Habermas his work represents the fully developed theory of the public sphere.The Marxist cultural theory of the Frankfurt School is also an important influence, particularly on the second part of the Structural Transformation.The Frankfurt School was a group of philosophers linked to the Institute of Social Research in Frankfurt, active from the 1920s on Two of its most famous names were Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno The Frankfurt School adapted Marx s theories greatly, in order to study modern culture and society They took the unorthodox view that the experience of totalitarianism in the Second World War showed that the lower classes, or proletariat, had become corrupted by mass culture They could no longer act as a revolutionary force Their pessimism about what social force might replace the proletariat increased as the twentieth century progressed Adorno is well known for his critique of the modern culture industry , which manipulated the public, creating consumers of the mass media, rather than critical readers Habermas draws on this savage criticism of modern society and culture in his treatment of advertising and the press.A personal influence was the German legal scholar Wolfgang Abendroth, who supervised Habermas s original thesis at Marburg, after it was rejected by Horkheimer and Adorno in Frankfurt Abendroth s work analyzed the relationship between the social welfare principle and the inherited structure of the German constitutional state He argued that the Federal German constitution aimed to extend the ideas of equality and welfare, and that a socialist democratic state could emerge from its constitutional predecessor Habermas moved away from this concept of the development of states, but acknowledges his debt to Abendroth in the dedidcation to the Structural Transformation.Habermas s influence over other writers is considerable It has recently become evident in the English speaking world, with the publication of a translation of the Structural Transformation An important collection of essays edited by Craig Calhoun see bibliography shows wide range of responses to his work scholars in English, political theory and philosophy respond to Habermas in this volume Responses are so varied because so many different elements are present in Habermas s work Historians criticise the factual basis of many of his claims about the publishing industry, about economic history and bourgeois culture More abstract theorists challenge his assumptions about a range of issues Feminist scholars, for example, argue that Habermas neglects the importance of gender, and of the exclusion of women from the public sphere This is a point that Habermas has recently conceded.Theorists have attempted to work out the implications of the Structural Transformation for modern political theory This perhaps a difficult task, as the second half of the book is problematic and less satisfying than the first Habermas s debates about public reason with the US philosopher John Rawls are well known Also, many writers have attempted to apply Habermas s model of the bourgeois public sphere to other countries and periods They have tried to find the public sphere in America, the Far East, and a host of other unlikely places There is a tendency for these projects to misrepresent Habermas s original idea of the public sphere Given that he makes it clear that the public sphere was inseparably related to the social and economic conditions of eighteenth century Europe, these attempts do not always seem worth the effort Almost all histories of publishing and the book trade, such as those of the US historian Robert Darnton, react to Habermas s ideas.Habermas himself has attempted to answer his critics In his essay Further reflections on the public sphere, he revises his position in several ways. Firstly, he admits some problems with the historical basis of his work He also suggests other areas for consideration, namely one the possibility of a popular or plebian public sphere with a different social basis, in which popular culture is not merely a backdrop to representative publicity two a reconsideration of the role of women in the bourgeois public sphere three a need to develop a less pessimistic view about the modern mass public Some of the issues about public discourse and the role of the state raised in the Structural Transformation reemerge in later works, such as his Theory of Communicative Action and Legitimation Crisis Habermas has changed so many of his positions, however, that it is unwise to see his work on public sphere as a basis for his later philosophy.


  6. says:

    okay, yes its dense and wordy and translated from german but it kind of is like a political sociology epic poem smash together my high school modern european history class from high school with my freshman year college political philosophy course with the word bourgeois sprinkled throughout and you get a flavor its fun to watch the public sphere evolve from feudalism to high industrial capitalism era i m sure i didnt glean whole swaths of it, but what i did get i enjoyed.


  7. says:

    If this wasn t assigned reading I probably would ve enjoyed this much that or I would ve never picked it up I m glad it s over anyways.


  8. says:

    Second Review Habermas presents a strong case for understanding the history of the public sphere tied primarily to the interests of a bourgeois reading class during the Liberal era roughly mid 18th 10th centuries , evolving out of a coffeehouse and salon culture and then mutating into different forms that eroded the rational critical aspect of the public sphere while and by expanding democratic political participation.What Habermas means by the public sphere is a rational critical space where educated and propertied which were almost universally the same thing during this period individuals could gather together to discuss issues of common interest literary, artistic, political, economic, social, etc The central aspect of this public sphere was a debate between educated people which was ostensibly stripped of social rank and deference, and conducted entirely on the basis of reasoned arguments He ties this public sphere strongly to classical Liberalism, which supported the ideals of individual rights but only insofar as those rights were tied to property ownership and freedom of ideas, information, expression, and assembly.One of the things I find most fascinating about Habermas description of the public sphere and its Liberal partisans is how anti democratic this sphere and philosophy was an anti democratic tendency revived today in neoliberalism , at least by the etymological definition of democracy the authority of the people The late Liberal era developed or seized upon the idea of representative democracy precisely as a way of preventing non property owners women, the working classes, and the poor from effectively engaging in politics The idea was and I think we see this in how contemporary US and UK politics runs that if the people could only vote for leaders rather than vote on issues, then effective power would remain in the hands of property owners because they would have the leisure time and education to construct political platforms in essence, we get to endorse someone s platform rather than having our own opinions on issues Original Review I didn t get all the way through this book, but I read a decent sized chunk of it considering how much other stuff I had to do this week I read this for a class But I think I got the major idea Habermas argues that the rise of a specifically bourgeois public sphere, as opposed to the ancient and feudal conceptions of publicness, was based in the rise of critical rational debate, or in the age of reason He argues that the bourgeois public sphere began during the era of the coffee houses and salons, when ostensibly anyone could join in discussions of contemporary political, economic, and philosophical issues based on reason of course in practice access to education, leisure, and reading material excluded many people from the public realm of debate.


  9. says:

    Habermas, you re a helluva humanist thinker I can t complain about the man s motives this is the sort of qualitative commentary that stands on its own merits rather than feeling like the speculations of some dude in a bourgeois university position in Paris or New York.But when he tries to claim that the public sphere has degenerated from its role in the early capitalist era, I have to question Habermas work To what extent did this public sphere play a role in the expansion of justice, and to what extent did it simply protect its own neck Looking for a Golden Age is almost always a bad idea, and I m afraid Habermas slips into this trap His analysis of how consumers receive rather than debate culture remains provocative, however.


  10. says:

    I forgot to put in that I read this, because I got so swept up in school So the thing about this is that I had to read the book and then in the next week my class and I had to read different articles all about the problems with the text and it was my job to discuss all the articles that found all the problems and talk about it at length I don t really know how to rate or even talk about this book, because I can t say that I enjoyed it but I do understand why it s an important foundation Even in all the articles we went over that talked about the problems with the text it still applauded what Habermas did as groundbreaking So all at once I don t get it and I do get it It s not a super clear argument, but is doing something important so I don t know I m kind of middle of the road about it.


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